Why Liberty
I wanted to share this article. I won't pretend to have written it, but I will point out that, though written in 1927, it is ever true today as it was then.
Why Liberty?
By H. L. Mencken
These are dark and atrabilious days for liberty in the republic. No one seems to be in favor of it any more - no one, that is, save a few old fashioned members of the American Civil Liberties Union, hired for the hellish purpose by the executors of the late Lenin. Officially, ir is obviously under the ban. Congress takes frightful hacks at it at every session, the courts give the noble business their instantaneous imprimatur, and the chief energies of the executive department are consecrated to carrying it on.
To speak of liberty, indeed, becomes a kind of indecorum. In not a few states there are actually laws against it: in all states save one or two it is growing risky.All government, of course, is against liberty. It might almost be defined as a conspiracy against the very idea of the thing. The aim of three-fourths of the men engaged in governing the rest of us is to make us do what we don't want to do - in other words, to reduce and decrease our liberties. In certain fieldsthat endeavor meets with very little resistance, even from liberty loving men. Most of us are willing to obey the traffic policeman, if only to escape death at the hands of some other driver. Practically all of us consent readily to the laws against murder and robbery.
A few of us even consent to the laws regulating such things as marriage, radio, the carrying of pistols, and the keeping of dogs.But there are also fields in which resistance is very widespread, and the conflict between the government and the free citizen thus becomes plain.
Not many men, at least among the sane, pay taxes willingly. Not many men, save those who are conscientious teetotalers, view with much equanimity the current outrages of the blacklegs of prohibition. And not many men, save the illiterate, find themselves happy under the censorships which now rage everywhere.
It is precisely in these fields, as every one knows, that government tends to be the most enterprising and pugnacious. And it is precisely in these fields that liberty is most valuable to the citizen.
Its destruction has gone so far in America that the formal enthusiasm for it has begun to cool. That enthusiasm, indeed, survives only as a sheaf of hollow phrases. They are mouthed on the floor of congress by party hacks who no longer believe in them, and now and then they get into a presidential message, a newspaper editorial, or some other such exercise in buncombe, but they no longer have any living reality. No one expects any more to see them translated into concrete laws; they have become transcendental, and hence, meaningless.
Not long ago we fought a war in their name, but all the while that war was going on the American people submitted to such invasions of their everyday liberties as would have set their fathers to arson and murder.Among the powers that actually run the American government as distinguished from the agents who merely execute their decrees, there is heard no gabble about liberty. The Anti-Saloon league is frankly against it, and so is the Methodist board of temperance, prohibition and public morals, and so is every chamber of commerce in the land.
The learned periodicals that Mr. Babbitt reads do not argue that we ought to have more liberty; they argue that we ought to have less. When the thing actually rears its battered head, they denounce it as license, and shove it down again. It is now license in the United States for a free citizen to choose what he shall drink at his own table. It is license, in the view of the postoffice, for him to select the books for his own library. It is license, in many states, for him to protest against these oppressions.
By this new theory, already translated into practice, liberty is desired only by undesirable persons. The good citizen, it appears, is glad to be rid of it. He prefers to have his drinks chosen by the Hon. Wayne B. Wheeler and his books by the Hon. Horace J. Donnelly, the gifted solicitor to the postoffice. When his head begins to buzz with subversive ideas, he is glad to have a policeman come 'round and beat him back into normalcy.
I am not arguing that there is nothing in this new doctrine. The freeborn Americano, in truth, begins to show an immense and appalling capacity for submitting to such dragooning. He is taught in school that he has more liberty than any other man on earth, but as soon as he is graduated he forgets it. Once a gay and bellicose goat, leaping from crag to crag and emitting defiant cries, he is now a docile goosestepper, marching as the cops order. It would be as hard to imagine him taking up arms against his constituted herdsmen and exploiters as it would be to imagine him sprouting wings. He is well trained.Nevertheless, I have a feeling that his old love of liberty is not actually dead, but only sleeping. He submits like a worm today, but on some fair tomorrow, perhaps not far distant, he may rear up and begin to roar like a lion. After all, as Senator James A. Reed - the last surviving believer in genuine liberty! - once said, it is difficult to teach a people that they are free for a century and a half, and then convince them in a few years that they are and ought to be slaves.
Liberty is caged, but its shibboleths still circulate. Some day the plain folk of the republic may suddenly decide to take them seriously again. If they ever do, there will be catastrophic changes in our laws. The theory that the citizen is fair game for the government - that it is perfectly all right to squeze as much as possible out of him, and to tie him up as tightly as possible - will be abandoned, and there will be substitutedthe elder theory that the government is his servant. He will find himself wandering in a new and strange world. No one will have any authority to inferfere with his conduct, so long as it presents no dangers to other men. Not a dollar will be taken out of his pockets save what is absolutely necessary to serve him and protect him. No one will be told off to inspect him, cross-examine him, shadow him, pigeonhole him, rubber stamp him. He will cease to be a subject, and become a citizen again.
I dream, of course, of Utopia. It would be pleasant to see all these things happen, but no man living will ever do it. We are in the midst of a cycle of strong governments, and they will probably increase their strength before it begins to decline. The great wars that loom ahead will circumscribe and diminish liberty even more than the last one did. The movement to that end is going on even now, with peace still upon us. At the close of the last war the free citizen of the republic was at least at liberty to move about as he pleased.
But recent decisions of the Supreme court in prohibition cases have begun to condition that liberty, and legislation to take it away altogether is already proposed. It is my belief, here expressed with all due caution and humility, that all this is evil. I believe that liberty is the only genuinely valuable thing that men have invented, at least in the field of government, in a thousand years. I believe that it is better to be free than to be not free, even when the former is dangerous and the latter safe. I believe that the finest qualities of man can flourish only in free air -- that progress made under the shadow of the policeman's club is false progress, and of no permanent value.
I believe that any man who takes the liberty of another into his keeping is bound to become a tyrant, and that any man who yields up his liberty, in however slight the measure, is bound to become a slave.Liberty in itself, to be sure, cannot bring in the millennium. It cannot abolish the inherent weaknesses of man - an animal but lately escaped from the jungle. It cannot take the place of intelligence, courage, honor.
But the free man is at least able to be intelligent, courageous and honorable if the makings are in him. Nothing stands in the way of his highest functioning. He may go as far as nature intended him to go, and maybe a step or two beyond. Free, he may still be dull, timorous and untrustworthy. He may be shiftless and worthless. But it will not be against his will; it will not be in spite of himself. Free, he will be able to make the most of every virtue that is actually in him, and he will live and die under the kind of government that he wants and deserves.
The Chicago Sunday Tribune, 30 January 1927
